FACTSHEET institution have been found to have significantly different perceptions of the quality of their working lives in a number of aspects.13 Among other things, this has been attributed to the fact that private sector prisons are less likely to be unionised, and managers have more flexibility in ‘hiring and firing’, resulting in a higher turnover. Unions can play an important role in representing staff interests and improving their working conditions. However, in some contexts they have had a negative effect on industrial relations and the working atmosphere inside prisons, in particular when local union representatives were intransigent and resistant to change.14 A common aspect of prison culture is that prison officers ‘see themselves as part of an unvalued, unappreciated occupational group’.15 This often includes a perception that managers are bureaucrats who do not understand the nature of the operational work, the dangers and difficulties involved, and that prison management does not properly support officers. Trust, legitimacy and fairness are as important for prison officers as they are for prisoners. The way they feel treated by the organisation and management impacts on their motivation and on how they treat prisoners. Negative experiences and emotions are usually linked to a lower quality of life for prisoners.16 Professional leadership by senior managers is therefore of key importance. This includes effective communication with staff and their representatives and a commitment to uphold or improve good working conditions for prison staff. A clear code of ethics and disciplinary procedures which are applied in a fair and transparent way can also build staff confidence in management and help to protect detainees, staff and the institution from inappropriate and abusive behaviour.17 Prison officers frequently have a strong ‘esprit de corps’, which emphasises solidarity with fellow officers. It also often includes not siding with or being ‘soft’ on prisoners.18 There can be significant peer pressure from prison officers as a group about ‘the way things are done’, and officers who do not conform may suffer intimidation, harassment and ostracism. For example, a unit of a Scottish prison was reportedly shunned by the rest of the prisoner officer workforce because it worked with prisoners who were labelled the most dangerous and disruptive in a supportive and constructive way.19 In extreme cases, prison officers can suffer violence from colleagues as part of their training or initiation rites as a way of ‘socialising’ them into a punitive culture. ‘There were reports that a member of the Buenos Aires Penitentiary Service had been subjected to various forms of physical ill-treatment as a ritual to “welcome” him to that department’s Special Intervention Group (GIE).’20 The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IAHCR) considers that when state agents responsible for the custody of persons deprived of their liberty are themselves subjected to torture or cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment by their own colleagues, the system is being turned on its head and distorted. This distortion makes it more likely that those officers will subject those in their custody to similar or even worse violence.21 Discrimination is common within prisons and is likely to affect staff as well as prisoners. Minorities may be discriminated against by managers, peers and prisoners. This can range from direct abuse to ‘indirect’ forms of discrimination such as racist or other discriminatory language being tolerated by managers, or to simply not being professionally encouraged or being overlooked for training and promotions. This not only violates the human rights of staff, but also affects their motivation and attrition and consequently how they treat prisoners.22 It is therefore important that prison authorities put in place clear regulations, policies and mechanisms to prevent and address discriminatory behaviour.23 13. McLean C, and Liebling A, ‘Prison staff in the public and private sector’, in Bennet J, Crewe B, & Wahidin A, (eds.), Understanding prison staff, Willan Publishing, 2008, p97. 14. See for example Liebling A, Prisons and Their Moral Performance, Oxford University Press, 2004, p403. 15. Crawley E, & Crawley P, ‘Understanding prison officers: culture, cohesion and conflicts’ in Bennet J, Crewe B, & Wahidin A, (eds.), Understanding prison staff, Willan Publishing, 2008, p134. 16. Liebling A, Prisons and Their Moral Performance, Oxford University Press, 2004, pp419 & 425. 17. The Council of Europe has recommended that prison services adopt a code of ethics for staff. See Recommendation CM/Rec(2012)5 of the Committee of Ministers to member States on the European Code of Ethics for Prison Staff. For example, the Isle of Man Prison Service has a Code of Conduct and Discipline, available at http://www.gov.im/lib/docs/hr/iomcs/Handbook/codeofconductiomprisonservice.pdf <accessed 29 October 2013> 18. Liebling A, Price D, & Shefer G, The prison officer, Routledge, 2012, p163. 19. Sim J, ‘An inconvenient criminological truth’: pain, punishment and prison officers’ in in Bennet J, Crewe B, & Wahidin A, (eds.), Understanding prison staff, Willan Publishing, 2008, p188. 20. Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Report on the human rights of persons deprived of their liberty in the Americas, 2011, p63. 21. Ibid. 22. Singh Bui H, and Fossii J, ‘The experiences of black and minority ethnic prison staff’ in Bennet J, Crewe B, & Wahidin A, (eds.), Understanding prison staff, Willan Publishing 2008, p57. 23. Mechanisms to address racism include, for example, ‘race relations committees, race relations officers, sophisticated range-setting ethnic monitoring, regular audits and racial complaints procedures’, see Singh Bui H, and Fossii J, ‘The experiences of black and minority ethnic prison staff’ in Bennet J, Crewe B, & Wahidin A, (eds.), Understanding prison staff, Willan Publishing, 2008, p51. Penal Reform International | Staff working conditions: Addressing risk factors to prevent torture and ill-treatment |3

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