CEDAW/C/78/D/130/2018
2.6 On 9 August 2012, when the author was participating in a workshop on women’s
rights in Benghazi, some 7 to 10 armed men, with 30 more bearing Kalashnikovs
posted outside, interrupted the workshop and took three participants away. The author
was among those who were told to return to their hotels. Later that day, members of
the Martyrs of 17 February Brigade took her to a compound, where she was detained.
Guards questioned her about her relationship with R. and a Hakki colleague who had
also been detained and told her that women were forbidden to travel unless
accompanied by a male. A man bearing Ministry of Defence identification took her
and the Hakki colleague to a Ministry compound, where she was questio ned about
what she would write about her abduction and why she had written publicly about her
earlier detention. She was released on 10 August 2012. An interrogator subsequently
told her that she should have been executed for her perceived relations with J ews.
2.7 On 11 August 2012, on their way to Benghazi Airport, the author and the Hakki
colleague were arrested by members of the Martyrs of 17 February Brigade, who took
them to a compound where they saw cars marked “Supreme Security Committee”.
Despite the fact that it was Ramadan, she was offered water, which she believes was
intended to demarcate her from practising Muslims. An officer shouted at her and
started kicking her all over her body, calling her a “bitch” and a “whore” and accusing
her of being Israeli, of having relations with a Jew and of being an Israeli spy. He hit
her with his gun and threatened that he could kill her there and then and no one would
find out. The assault lasted approximately half an hour and left her barely able to
move. In an office in the compound, she recognized two men as belonging to the
Martyrs of 17 February Brigade. She was shouted at and grabbed by the hair. Another
man, S., introduced himself as a Supreme Security Committee investigator, asked her
about R. and made the accusation that Hakki was a “prostitution organization”,
supporting Jews and Israel. The questioning continued until around 4 a.m. on
12 August 2012. She was released on the condition that she return the same day.
2.8 Later that day, members of the Martyrs of 17 February Brigade and the Supreme
Security Committee returned the author to the compound. S. told her that he and the
Deputy Interior Minister had been discussing her case and thought that she had been
inadvertently working for Israel. She was released on the condition that she return the
next day.
2.9 On 13 August 2012, the author returned to the compound, where she was made
to meet the Deputy Interior Minister, who complained to her about the “noise” that
she had created in the media. He did not enquire about her injuries, which were clearly
visible, and laughed when she told him that laws on street harassment would be a
“good start” in terms of women’s rights. He told her to sign a letter stating that she
would not deal with Jewish organizations or people; however, she wrote that she
would invest her skills and energy in her country. He released her, warning her that
she could be questioned anywhere. On 14 August 2012, she returned to Tripoli.
2.10 Following her return, the author could not resum e her non-governmental
organization (NGO) work, as she was receiving hate mail, including letters from
members of the public threatening to kill her. Between 15 and 17 August 2012, she
was called by a man whom, on 11 and 12 August 2012, she had identified as a member
of the Martyrs of 17 February Brigade. She felt unable to reject his call or express
discomfort for fear of reprisals. She was also contacted by S., through Facebook. He
asked her to work with the Supreme Security Committee on a national reconc iliation
project. She did not refuse outright, out of fear, although she did not follow up after
her departure from Libya in September 2012. She still fears the State party’s
Government, as well as citizens who have been led to believe that she is an Israe li
spy.
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